The many city reforms of Medellin deserve praise and recognition for giving the marginalized slum communities the services and infrastructure to improve their conditions. The slum reforms have led to decreased violence, a revival of pride and self-esteem of the communities, and increased neighborhood resident engagement.
The Metrocable and the new facilities, like the construction of the Park-Libraries, are highly visible infrastructures that create a feeling of inclusion and integration with the city. However, the cable cars serve less than 10% of daily trips in the neighborhoods where the stations are located, and it seems that the new public buildings and open spaces cater to an even lower percentage of the local population. Based on our research, Medellin should keep in mind that use and design are different concepts. Additionally, Medellin has received significant global attention for its 21st century reforms. Their goals of social urbanism should continue to focus on the needs of the slum-dwelling residents (Brand 2013).
In addition to encouraging residents to take advantage of the new infrastructure, leaders in Medellín should continue to develop innovative financing methods for PUI projects. Currently, approximately 82% of the city's budget is used for social projects and Medellín spends a higher percentage of its budget on education than any other city in the Americas (Fink 2012). As discussed earlier, this is largely supported by funding from the public utilities company, but in order to guarantee sustainable growth of city-wide reforms, we recommend that Medellín pursue additional funding sources. The city has already done this by cultivating partnerships with private companies and should continue to explore alternative funding models. Additionally, residents must elect leaders who share their vision for the city's future and will prioritize social projects in city budgeting. Furthermore, engagement must go beyond elections, as it is critical that residents continue to take ownership over reform initiatives to guarantee that Medellín never again falls subject to the same kind of political corruption it experienced during the late 20th Century.
The Metrocable and the new facilities, like the construction of the Park-Libraries, are highly visible infrastructures that create a feeling of inclusion and integration with the city. However, the cable cars serve less than 10% of daily trips in the neighborhoods where the stations are located, and it seems that the new public buildings and open spaces cater to an even lower percentage of the local population. Based on our research, Medellin should keep in mind that use and design are different concepts. Additionally, Medellin has received significant global attention for its 21st century reforms. Their goals of social urbanism should continue to focus on the needs of the slum-dwelling residents (Brand 2013).
In addition to encouraging residents to take advantage of the new infrastructure, leaders in Medellín should continue to develop innovative financing methods for PUI projects. Currently, approximately 82% of the city's budget is used for social projects and Medellín spends a higher percentage of its budget on education than any other city in the Americas (Fink 2012). As discussed earlier, this is largely supported by funding from the public utilities company, but in order to guarantee sustainable growth of city-wide reforms, we recommend that Medellín pursue additional funding sources. The city has already done this by cultivating partnerships with private companies and should continue to explore alternative funding models. Additionally, residents must elect leaders who share their vision for the city's future and will prioritize social projects in city budgeting. Furthermore, engagement must go beyond elections, as it is critical that residents continue to take ownership over reform initiatives to guarantee that Medellín never again falls subject to the same kind of political corruption it experienced during the late 20th Century.